This Washington
What Are the House Republicans Thinking?
Of the four caucuses in the state legislature, only the house Republicans issue a scorecard at the end of bill deadlines editorializing about good and bad bills. (The senate Democrats do a stoic list of dead bills without cheering or jeering.)
The house GOP's list is broken down into: "Good Republican bills that died;" "Good Republican bills that survived; "Bad Democrat bills that died;" "Bad Democrat bills that survived."
[Editorializing for a second here: Democrat is a noun, not an adjective. Republicans insistence on using "Democrat" as an adjective is a childish move that heightens shrill partisanship. The hard "t" heightens the harsh "rat" sound and avoids the positive connotations of "Democratic", i.e. the kind of society we all like; you know, as in rooting for democratic change in the Middle East. Frankly, I think it makes the Republicans look a little crazy. And also, a little creepy in that Kim Jong Il way. They all follow orders from the top and say it in lockstep despite the fact that it's grammatically incorrect.]
But moving on: The Republicans' list is cool, I think, in that it gives the public a clear look at what the GOP stands for in Olympia. (The house GOP has not been shy this session.) House GOP spokeswoman Lisa Fenton says there's not 100 percent caucus consensus on the list---instead, it's based on the Republicans' minority committee reports and whether a ranking Republican on a committee has a strong opinion on a bill.
She says "there shouldn't be any surprises on the list. The members have been candid about what they think all session ... we want to be open and transparent."
Fenton says the list of bills reflects the GOP priorities on "the issues we're focusing on this session, and frankly, for several years—creating jobs, creating a sustainable and balanced budget, transparency and open government, and fewer government rules and regulations."
Editorializing again: I guess I don't see how stopping a bill, as the Republicans did in the house, that would have made the TransAlta company pay into a $94 million community fund to help the city of Centralia transition when the Canadian company inevitably shuts down its Centralia coal plant is about "creating jobs." But I guess I don't get political contributions from the Washington Leadership Council, the business political committee that donates to Republicans—with the recent help of a hefty $10,000 contribution from TransAlta—either.
On to the list:
Under "Good Republican bills that died" the GOP house caucus highlights bills that would have curtailed government spending; challenged the federal health care law; and short-circuited environmental regulations—barring the state from signing on to regional climate change agreements, scaling back the Growth Management Act, and undoing the voter-approved renewable energy mandate. Irony I-1053 alert—that's right, undoing the voter-approved renewable energy mandate. (The Democratic, ha, senate tried the same thing in 2009.)
A bill I found startling on this list of "Good" bills from a civil liberties perspective was one that would have prevented ex-felons from getting their voting rights restored after serving their time until they've paid off their financial obligations.
I have a call in to the sponsor, Rep. Mike Armstrong (R-12, Wenatchee).
On the GOP's "Good bills that survived" list, they name a few we've covered such as Rep. Joel Kretz's (R-7, Wauconda) bill to allow smaller counties to bail on the Growth Management Act; Rep. Charles Ross' (R-14, Naches) bill allowing law enforcement to restrict the activity of apparent gang members (who don't have a criminal record); and Armstrong's driver's license bill requiring proof of legal citizenship.
Others include: Rep. Cary Condotta's (R-12, East Wenatchee) controversial unemployment insurance bill (co-sponsored with Democratic Rep. Mike Sells, D-38, Everett) to give a permanent UI tax break to business; a bill to remove the statute of limitations for victims of child sexual abuse; doubling the small business tax credit; and an "innovative schools" bill—which a few Democrats have signed onto including Seattle Rep. Eric Pettigrew (D-37, S. Seattle), whose own related bill for Obama-style education reforms, failed .
Bad "Democrat bills that died" include: Rep. Marko Liias' (D-21, Edmonds) bill to wind down TransAlta's coal plant (the senate version is alive, though) and Rep. Mary Lou Dickerson's (D-36, Ballard) bill to expand earlier legislation regulating toxic toys.
And bad "Democrat bills that survived" include: Rep. Christine Rolfes' (D-23, Bainbridge) bill to make oil companies prepare for catastrophic oil spills; Rep. Judy Clibborn's (D-41, Mercer Island) bill to mandate disclosure of actual services provided at "emergency pregnancy centers;" Rep. Timm Ormsby's (D-3, Spokane) fee on oil companies to fund stormwater cleanup; and (weirdly) a pro-cop and -firefighter union bill that would make occupational-related health care plans cover heart attacks.
We published our own dead and alive list earlier this week.
The house GOP's list is broken down into: "Good Republican bills that died;" "Good Republican bills that survived; "Bad Democrat bills that died;" "Bad Democrat bills that survived."
[Editorializing for a second here: Democrat is a noun, not an adjective. Republicans insistence on using "Democrat" as an adjective is a childish move that heightens shrill partisanship. The hard "t" heightens the harsh "rat" sound and avoids the positive connotations of "Democratic", i.e. the kind of society we all like; you know, as in rooting for democratic change in the Middle East. Frankly, I think it makes the Republicans look a little crazy. And also, a little creepy in that Kim Jong Il way. They all follow orders from the top and say it in lockstep despite the fact that it's grammatically incorrect.]
But moving on: The Republicans' list is cool, I think, in that it gives the public a clear look at what the GOP stands for in Olympia. (The house GOP has not been shy this session.) House GOP spokeswoman Lisa Fenton says there's not 100 percent caucus consensus on the list---instead, it's based on the Republicans' minority committee reports and whether a ranking Republican on a committee has a strong opinion on a bill.
She says "there shouldn't be any surprises on the list. The members have been candid about what they think all session ... we want to be open and transparent."
Fenton says the list of bills reflects the GOP priorities on "the issues we're focusing on this session, and frankly, for several years—creating jobs, creating a sustainable and balanced budget, transparency and open government, and fewer government rules and regulations."
Editorializing again: I guess I don't see how stopping a bill, as the Republicans did in the house, that would have made the TransAlta company pay into a $94 million community fund to help the city of Centralia transition when the Canadian company inevitably shuts down its Centralia coal plant is about "creating jobs." But I guess I don't get political contributions from the Washington Leadership Council, the business political committee that donates to Republicans—with the recent help of a hefty $10,000 contribution from TransAlta—either.
On to the list:
Under "Good Republican bills that died" the GOP house caucus highlights bills that would have curtailed government spending; challenged the federal health care law; and short-circuited environmental regulations—barring the state from signing on to regional climate change agreements, scaling back the Growth Management Act, and undoing the voter-approved renewable energy mandate. Irony I-1053 alert—that's right, undoing the voter-approved renewable energy mandate. (The Democratic, ha, senate tried the same thing in 2009.)
A bill I found startling on this list of "Good" bills from a civil liberties perspective was one that would have prevented ex-felons from getting their voting rights restored after serving their time until they've paid off their financial obligations.
I have a call in to the sponsor, Rep. Mike Armstrong (R-12, Wenatchee).
On the GOP's "Good bills that survived" list, they name a few we've covered such as Rep. Joel Kretz's (R-7, Wauconda) bill to allow smaller counties to bail on the Growth Management Act; Rep. Charles Ross' (R-14, Naches) bill allowing law enforcement to restrict the activity of apparent gang members (who don't have a criminal record); and Armstrong's driver's license bill requiring proof of legal citizenship.
Others include: Rep. Cary Condotta's (R-12, East Wenatchee) controversial unemployment insurance bill (co-sponsored with Democratic Rep. Mike Sells, D-38, Everett) to give a permanent UI tax break to business; a bill to remove the statute of limitations for victims of child sexual abuse; doubling the small business tax credit; and an "innovative schools" bill—which a few Democrats have signed onto including Seattle Rep. Eric Pettigrew (D-37, S. Seattle), whose own related bill for Obama-style education reforms, failed .
Bad "Democrat bills that died" include: Rep. Marko Liias' (D-21, Edmonds) bill to wind down TransAlta's coal plant (the senate version is alive, though) and Rep. Mary Lou Dickerson's (D-36, Ballard) bill to expand earlier legislation regulating toxic toys.
And bad "Democrat bills that survived" include: Rep. Christine Rolfes' (D-23, Bainbridge) bill to make oil companies prepare for catastrophic oil spills; Rep. Judy Clibborn's (D-41, Mercer Island) bill to mandate disclosure of actual services provided at "emergency pregnancy centers;" Rep. Timm Ormsby's (D-3, Spokane) fee on oil companies to fund stormwater cleanup; and (weirdly) a pro-cop and -firefighter union bill that would make occupational-related health care plans cover heart attacks.
We published our own dead and alive list earlier this week.
